The Self-Help Centre, Chatlapore Tea Estate, Moulvibazar. |
Back in the mid-twentieth century, Memsahib
didn’t like to see babies brought into the tea garden fields, which working
mothers had little choice but to do. “I am paying money,” she said, one day
while passing by, “Why is this baby here?”
Time is short. Every Wednesday the makeshift
Tilakpore bazaar area in Chatlapore Tea Estate in Moulvibazar District is busy,
nowadays. Vendors arrive from outside the garden to sell produce to their tea
labourer customers. There are queues beside the dispensary. People gather for
medical treatment, to collect salaries and apportioned supplies of subsidised
rice grain and essentials. There’s a
sign on the old building noting the contributions of Heed Bangladesh and US
Aid.
The road leading to the manager's bungalow. |
A little further up the road, the red
roof of an old pump house or small cottage has written on it in big white
letters “Self-Help Centre.” There’s activity there too, though any worker will
confess the place is usually quiet. At the Self-Help Centre women should be
able to learn handicraft and needlework skills in free courses offered by the current
Duncan Brothers management.
Such skills are promoted as helping
raise family incomes. When a worker’s salary is just 69 taka per day – and
Chatlapore is an ‘A’ grade garden: salaries at lower grade gardens are less –
every taka counts. Presumably working women can set to work on handicrafts in
the evenings after hours in the garden, after taking care of their families,
and on Sundays, their day off.
But this is not the reason the centre is
busy. The garden’s assistant manager, who lives in the big bungalow atop the
hill, smaller only than the larger manager’s bungalow by the main gate, doesn’t
have time to talk. A relative of one of the Duncan Brothers board members is
due to visit from the United Kingdom. He wants the garden to look its best. He
wants the Self-Help Centre spic-and-span. Today is not an ordinary day. Time is
short.
Tilakpore bazaar area in the tea garden. |
But the assistant manager and his boss are
lucky, in a way, to be there at all. They’re Bengalis. Retired workers like
75-year-old Jibon Nayek Palkichara know well that until the mid-1960s no
Bengali could enter a tea garden. “Even a big judge couldn’t get inside,” he remembers.
According to the Bangladesh District
Gazetteer, Sylhet, of 1970, wild tea was first discovered in now Sylhet
Division in 1855, with cultivation starting in the following decades. By 1900,
71,490 acres of land were under cultivation, producing 3.5 crore pounds of tea
which ranked Sylhet favourably in comparison with leading tea-growing districts
of Assam. By 1965 production had risen to 5.81 crore pounds per year.
“The prospects of a vast market for tea
gave rise to the problems of labour,” reads the Gazetteer. “The question was to
find a class of people who by temperament would like to settle in the
countryside permanently and get attached to the tea estate for good.”
With local labour considered unsuitable
the British brought workers from Bihar, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere,
first to clear jungle, then to work on the plantations. Santhals and workers
from Assam with tea garden experience were also brought, though in smaller
numbers due to cost. It was “with utmost difficulty that they could be
procured.”
By 1890 a total of 71,950 workers had
been relocated. In the next decade alone another 1.4 lacs joined them.
The climate suited these workers, according to the Gazetteer. |
The climate suited these workers, notes
the Gazetteer, “and planters were thus enabled to work their gardens with
labourers who would not quickly sicken and die.” “Unfortunately,” however, with
recruitment particularly brisk during famines, many workers arrived “in a poor
state of health” leading to occasionally high mortality. The memories of
current workers do not extend back to the gardens’ beginnings but there are
stories: widespread fever and many deaths.
The British managed well. They created a
workforce from disadvantaged groups that would prove flexible. For one thing, with
many disparate groups any kind of unity would be difficult for workers to forge.
For another, with the exclusion of Bengalis tea workers would barely be able to
speak to outsiders if they ever made it outside.
At Sreemangal’s Tea Garden Museum it’s
possible to view a bone stick used to beat badly behaved workers. There are
samples of “hazira” coins minted solely for garden use. The use of different
money made it impossible for any worker to secretly stash whatever money they
could scrounge from their wages in preparing an escape. Nobody would accept
their money beyond the boundary – and besides, escapees would be hunted down.
There could be no going home.
For long term colonialism to succeed it’s
important to colonise the mind – to foster a belief in the colonisers’ superiority.
In the gardens, the luxurious bungalows built to compensate for the “hardships”
of British managers certainly underlined distinction – in Assam the British even
had a ratio of golf courses required per manager to ensure adequate socialisation
facilities.
In such a reality any level of
patronising would be greatly appreciated by workers. There could be no harm in
allowing churches and temples; and religious festivals like Kali Puja continue
to be celebrated with much fanfare.
Sorting tea leaves, Chatlapore. |
Palkichara says his grandfather first
came to the garden from ‘Agartala’ – which may mean Odisha – at age 30. His
father’s studies were good so he was rewarded with a foreman’s job.
When Palikchara was twenty-two and
charged with pruning, one day Sahib noticed him and asked him to demonstrate.
“Without cutting the tea bushes, the leaves do not spread,” he explains. He
could do it well. Sahib made him, like his father, a foreman. He believes his
salary in the 1960s was about 7.5 rupees per week.
Jibon Nayek Palikchara with his granddaughter. |
“The Europeans had a really good formula
for growing tea bushes,” he says, “and they kept every kind of food in the
godowns. We had no tensions. They provided all sorts of clothes – saris, dhotis,
half pants, shirts and suit pants. We weren’t allowed to wear lungee in the
office.”
He recalls how any problem was soon
fixed with a word to Sahib or Memsahib, the manager’s wife. “Now it’s difficult
to consult management,” he says.
“One day there were huge clouds and much
rain,” Palkichara reminisces, “Memsahib noticed the women still working. ‘Women
will work in such conditions?’ she said, ‘Go to the factory at once and blow
the whistle! It will be a holiday.’”
On another occasion she saw women
working with hoes and said, “Give me a hoe. I am also a woman. I will work.” Memsahib’s
words shamed the field manager into reassigning the women.
Only with the rise of Bengali political
clout in late 1960s Pakistan did the British leave. No doubt they could sense
significant change. And something big happened, something the workers never
forget. With independence, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, tea
garden workers were granted citizenship in that new and better country,
Bangladesh. As never before, they belonged.
The gate to the processing plant and offices. |
Foreign companies continue to hold a
large stake in the Bangladeshi tea industry – they’re credited with reviving
the industry following near collapse during the liberation period, which may
have been influenced by the deliberate lack of experienced Bengali managers; also
by war damage and the loss of the product’s then main market: Pakistan.
It’s only natural therefore that still
today some company man will jet into Bangladesh to inspect. He probably wants
to see a spruced-up Self-Help Centre to report about to shareholders.
When Palikchara retired six years ago
the loyal worker was told favourably, “You will stay in the garden after you
retire.” He receives 48 taka per day as pension.
Tea workers and their family members relaxing of an afternoon in Tilakpore, Chatlapore. |
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